Women and Children in Active and Potential Conflicts
Introduction
Thirty years after the Beijing Platform for Action was adopted, despite efforts made by the UN and civil society, progress in the 12 critical areas is far short of expectations. The area of Women and Armed Conflict is especially alarming, considering ongoing wars and the steady growth of military spending globally, which topped $2.44 trillion in 2023. The U.S. military power is the largest in the world, and projected U.S. defense spending is set to increase each year until 2034 and reach up to $1.07 trillion. In addition to seeking immediate, peaceful resolutions to current conflicts, the UN must address the impact on women and children in countries living near U.S. foreign installations, which are ostensibly there to “prevent potential wars.” There are more than 750 U.S. military bases in 80 countries worldwide, with 173,000 troops deployed in at least 159 countries. In addition to immediate threats to their security, the children born of war or affected by military installations and their mothers usually face harsh social stigma and discrimination, leading to marginalization within their community and higher risks of trafficking and abuse. These women and children must not be left behind. This brief makes two recommendations to address the peace and security of women in armed conflict: 1) more representation and leading participation of women in defense-related policy-making decisions, and 2) the need for the U.S. government to adopt a feminist foreign policy.
The UN and Civil Society Against Armed Conflict
A direct correlation between militarism and gender violence has been recorded across history globally. In 1995, at the Fourth World Conference on Women, the last one of its kind, held in Beijing, Women and Armed Conflict was recognized as one of the 12 critical areas of concern in what is known as the Beijing Platform for Action (BPfA). The Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action, adopted unanimously by 189 countries, is the key global policy document on gender equality and women’s empowerment laid out in 12 critical areas of concern. In the area of Women and Armed Conflict, it specifies six strategic objectives and recommended actions.[1] The Beijing Conference was followed by a series of five-year reviews at the UN Commission on the Status of Women. Hence, CSW69/Beijing+30 will be held in 2025.
Five years after the Beijing Conference, in 2000, recognizing the grave and unique impact armed conflict has on women, the UN Security Council adopted Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace, and Security (WPS). Eight years later, the UN Security Council adopted Resolution 1820 on WPS and identified the use of sexual violence as a tactic of war. It states that “rape and other forms of sexual violence can constitute war crimes, crimes against humanity or a constitutive act with respect to genocide.” In 2010, the Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) adopted a general recommendation on women in conflict prevention, conflict, and post conflict situations.[2]
In 2015, at the UN Sustainable Development Summit in New York, the UN adopted 17 Sustainable Development Goals. Its specified goal 16 is to "promote peaceful and inclusive societies for sustainable development, provide access to justice for all and build effective, accountable and inclusive institutions at all levels.”
Despite decades of work from civil society and the UN, wars continue and women and girls around the globe subsequently suffer sexual violence, especially conflict-related violence. None of the Beijing Platform’s six strategic objectives on Women and Armed Conflict has been reached. In order to effectively reduce or eliminate sexual violence in armed conflict, ending current wars and preventing future ones are in order. One effective way to reach that goal is to have more countries adopt a foreign policy promoting peace and security of women instead of building military powers, namely feminist foreign policy. The U.S. has yet to adopt a feminist foreign policy.
U.S. Militarism
As illustrated by past conflicts, the recent escalation of militarism in the forms of wars – including in Ukraine, Gaza, and Sudan – has not made the world a safer place. Countless people have lost their lives in conflict zones, with the survivors still under various risks to their own lives and those they love. With a series of U.S. budgets approved to support its allies engaged in wars on the ground, the U.S. government is actively involved in armed conflict that has an irrevocable impact on the innocent civilians exposed to indiscriminate bombings, even at schools and hospitals.
Militarism is often portrayed as an inevitable national defense system against “enemy” nations. In 2023, after nine years of consecutive growth, military spending globally reached $2.44 trillion.[3] For the first time since 2009, military expenditure surged in all five geographical regions, with particularly large increases in Europe, Asia and Oceania, and the Middle East.[4] U.S. militarism, the most powerful in the world, has multiple overarching forces that shape foreign policy, including the interests of the political agenda, propping up the defense industry, and nationalism. There are more than 750 military installations in 80 countries around the world — the top three being Japan, Germany, and South Korea — and more than 173,000 troops deployed in at least 159 countries.[5][6] In 2023, the U.S., NATO’s major spender, military budget reached $916 billion, or 3.5% of GDP, which accounted for more than 40% total military spending worldwide.[7] U.S. defense spending is predicted to increase every year until 2034 and reach $1.07 trillion.[8]
In Asia, along with military installations, the U.S. conducts regular military exercises in preparation for potential war with countries such as China and North Korea. The fact that the Korean War has not ended, as its 71-year-old armistice agreement has never been changed to a peace agreement, contributes to regular, large-scale exercises. The tension on the peninsula has sharply risen as the scale of military exercises has become larger, and even nuclear-capacity weapons have been tested on land and water. Following the first nuclear exercise conducted in Pyeongtaek, South Korea, from July 30–Aug. 1, 2024, the U.S. and South Korea conducted a joint special forces exercise called the Ulchi Freedom Shield from Aug. 24–29 at a specialized center located 32 kilometers from Seoul; a U.S.-supplied nuclear-capable weapons system was involved. Contrary to its pronounced goal, the effect of the military exercises has pushed the peninsula further from peace.
Impacts of U.S. Militarism on Women and Children in Armed Conflict and South Korea
A majority of the United States population may think the U.S. has no ties to the issue of women in armed conflict, as there has not been a war on U.S. soil in more than 150 years. However, U.S. military involvement overseas triggers and aggravates the violence women and girls face in armed conflict, both actual and potential. This reality contradicts the objectives of the Women, Peace, and Security Act (WPS Act) adopted by the U.S. in 2017. The WPS Act seeks to integrate the objectives of the United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 (UNSCR 1325) into U.S. foreign policy. The WPS Act was the first legislation of its kind to recognize women's important role in conflict and call on the U.S. government to promote their participation and protection.
Since WWII, under the claimed goal of “maintaining security,” the U.S. has greatly expanded its military presence in the form of overseas installations. In host countries, the U.S. has shown a strong tendency to prioritizing militarism and political interests over human rights, especially those of women and girls. Sexual assault and harassment within the U.S. military remains a persistent problem. This problem is compounded when considering foreign installations, where extraterritoriality jurisdiction applies under Status of Forces Agreements, or SOFAs. These agreements often allow the U.S. to retain exclusive jurisdiction over its service members in many countries, including the ROK and Japan. U.S. military personnel overseas face lighter or sometime no punishment for an array of human rights violations, including sexual violence committed in host countries.
To illustrate, in South Korea, which hosts the third-largest U.S. military presence and the largest overseas installation at Camp Humphreys, sexual exploitation at so-called “camptowns” or Gijichon (기지촌) is wide spread and ongoing.[9] Official documents indicate that during and after the Korean War, the U.S. government requested Korean “comfort women” who could provide “sexual services” to U.S. military personnel stationed in South Korea. The term “comfort women” is a euphemism that was also used to refer to women and girls who were forced into Japan’s wartime military sexual slavery system from the 1930s until the end of WWII. Since the late 1990s, most Gijichon women are from the Philippines, Thailand, and Russia. Although race and ethnicity may have changed, the nature of sexual industry and exploitation remains the same.
Recommendations
[1] The United Nations Fourth World Conference on Women, UN Women, https://www.un.org/womenwatch/daw/beijing/platform/armed.htm.
[2] CEDAW/C/GC/30.
[3] Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, April 22, 2024, https://www.sipri.org/media/press-release/2024/global-military-spending-surges-amid-war-rising-tensions-and-insecurity.
[4] Ibid.
[5] Thomas Jang, UBIQUE, American Geographical Society, April 18, 2024, https://ubique.americangeo.org/map-of-the-week/map-of-the-week-u-s-military-bases-around-the-world/#:~:text=At%20least%20750%20military%20bases,known%20as%20%E2%80%9Clily%20pads.%E2%80%9D.
[6] American University (Washington, D.C.); David Vine, Aug. 4, 2023, http://hdl.handle.net/1961/auislandora:85156.
[7] Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, April 22, 2024, https://www.sipri.org/media/press-release/2024/global-military-spending-surges-amid-war-rising-tensions-and-insecurity.
[8] Statista, https://www.statista.com/statistics/217577/outlays-for-defense-and-forecast-in-the-us/.
[9] “[Interview] Fighting for Reparations for Korea’s Camptown Women Before It’s Too Late,” Hankyoreh, June 26, 2022.
Submitted by Sung Sohn
Thirty years after the Beijing Platform for Action was adopted, despite efforts made by the UN and civil society, progress in the 12 critical areas is far short of expectations. The area of Women and Armed Conflict is especially alarming, considering ongoing wars and the steady growth of military spending globally, which topped $2.44 trillion in 2023. The U.S. military power is the largest in the world, and projected U.S. defense spending is set to increase each year until 2034 and reach up to $1.07 trillion. In addition to seeking immediate, peaceful resolutions to current conflicts, the UN must address the impact on women and children in countries living near U.S. foreign installations, which are ostensibly there to “prevent potential wars.” There are more than 750 U.S. military bases in 80 countries worldwide, with 173,000 troops deployed in at least 159 countries. In addition to immediate threats to their security, the children born of war or affected by military installations and their mothers usually face harsh social stigma and discrimination, leading to marginalization within their community and higher risks of trafficking and abuse. These women and children must not be left behind. This brief makes two recommendations to address the peace and security of women in armed conflict: 1) more representation and leading participation of women in defense-related policy-making decisions, and 2) the need for the U.S. government to adopt a feminist foreign policy.
The UN and Civil Society Against Armed Conflict
A direct correlation between militarism and gender violence has been recorded across history globally. In 1995, at the Fourth World Conference on Women, the last one of its kind, held in Beijing, Women and Armed Conflict was recognized as one of the 12 critical areas of concern in what is known as the Beijing Platform for Action (BPfA). The Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action, adopted unanimously by 189 countries, is the key global policy document on gender equality and women’s empowerment laid out in 12 critical areas of concern. In the area of Women and Armed Conflict, it specifies six strategic objectives and recommended actions.[1] The Beijing Conference was followed by a series of five-year reviews at the UN Commission on the Status of Women. Hence, CSW69/Beijing+30 will be held in 2025.
Five years after the Beijing Conference, in 2000, recognizing the grave and unique impact armed conflict has on women, the UN Security Council adopted Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace, and Security (WPS). Eight years later, the UN Security Council adopted Resolution 1820 on WPS and identified the use of sexual violence as a tactic of war. It states that “rape and other forms of sexual violence can constitute war crimes, crimes against humanity or a constitutive act with respect to genocide.” In 2010, the Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) adopted a general recommendation on women in conflict prevention, conflict, and post conflict situations.[2]
In 2015, at the UN Sustainable Development Summit in New York, the UN adopted 17 Sustainable Development Goals. Its specified goal 16 is to "promote peaceful and inclusive societies for sustainable development, provide access to justice for all and build effective, accountable and inclusive institutions at all levels.”
Despite decades of work from civil society and the UN, wars continue and women and girls around the globe subsequently suffer sexual violence, especially conflict-related violence. None of the Beijing Platform’s six strategic objectives on Women and Armed Conflict has been reached. In order to effectively reduce or eliminate sexual violence in armed conflict, ending current wars and preventing future ones are in order. One effective way to reach that goal is to have more countries adopt a foreign policy promoting peace and security of women instead of building military powers, namely feminist foreign policy. The U.S. has yet to adopt a feminist foreign policy.
U.S. Militarism
As illustrated by past conflicts, the recent escalation of militarism in the forms of wars – including in Ukraine, Gaza, and Sudan – has not made the world a safer place. Countless people have lost their lives in conflict zones, with the survivors still under various risks to their own lives and those they love. With a series of U.S. budgets approved to support its allies engaged in wars on the ground, the U.S. government is actively involved in armed conflict that has an irrevocable impact on the innocent civilians exposed to indiscriminate bombings, even at schools and hospitals.
Militarism is often portrayed as an inevitable national defense system against “enemy” nations. In 2023, after nine years of consecutive growth, military spending globally reached $2.44 trillion.[3] For the first time since 2009, military expenditure surged in all five geographical regions, with particularly large increases in Europe, Asia and Oceania, and the Middle East.[4] U.S. militarism, the most powerful in the world, has multiple overarching forces that shape foreign policy, including the interests of the political agenda, propping up the defense industry, and nationalism. There are more than 750 military installations in 80 countries around the world — the top three being Japan, Germany, and South Korea — and more than 173,000 troops deployed in at least 159 countries.[5][6] In 2023, the U.S., NATO’s major spender, military budget reached $916 billion, or 3.5% of GDP, which accounted for more than 40% total military spending worldwide.[7] U.S. defense spending is predicted to increase every year until 2034 and reach $1.07 trillion.[8]
In Asia, along with military installations, the U.S. conducts regular military exercises in preparation for potential war with countries such as China and North Korea. The fact that the Korean War has not ended, as its 71-year-old armistice agreement has never been changed to a peace agreement, contributes to regular, large-scale exercises. The tension on the peninsula has sharply risen as the scale of military exercises has become larger, and even nuclear-capacity weapons have been tested on land and water. Following the first nuclear exercise conducted in Pyeongtaek, South Korea, from July 30–Aug. 1, 2024, the U.S. and South Korea conducted a joint special forces exercise called the Ulchi Freedom Shield from Aug. 24–29 at a specialized center located 32 kilometers from Seoul; a U.S.-supplied nuclear-capable weapons system was involved. Contrary to its pronounced goal, the effect of the military exercises has pushed the peninsula further from peace.
Impacts of U.S. Militarism on Women and Children in Armed Conflict and South Korea
A majority of the United States population may think the U.S. has no ties to the issue of women in armed conflict, as there has not been a war on U.S. soil in more than 150 years. However, U.S. military involvement overseas triggers and aggravates the violence women and girls face in armed conflict, both actual and potential. This reality contradicts the objectives of the Women, Peace, and Security Act (WPS Act) adopted by the U.S. in 2017. The WPS Act seeks to integrate the objectives of the United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 (UNSCR 1325) into U.S. foreign policy. The WPS Act was the first legislation of its kind to recognize women's important role in conflict and call on the U.S. government to promote their participation and protection.
Since WWII, under the claimed goal of “maintaining security,” the U.S. has greatly expanded its military presence in the form of overseas installations. In host countries, the U.S. has shown a strong tendency to prioritizing militarism and political interests over human rights, especially those of women and girls. Sexual assault and harassment within the U.S. military remains a persistent problem. This problem is compounded when considering foreign installations, where extraterritoriality jurisdiction applies under Status of Forces Agreements, or SOFAs. These agreements often allow the U.S. to retain exclusive jurisdiction over its service members in many countries, including the ROK and Japan. U.S. military personnel overseas face lighter or sometime no punishment for an array of human rights violations, including sexual violence committed in host countries.
To illustrate, in South Korea, which hosts the third-largest U.S. military presence and the largest overseas installation at Camp Humphreys, sexual exploitation at so-called “camptowns” or Gijichon (기지촌) is wide spread and ongoing.[9] Official documents indicate that during and after the Korean War, the U.S. government requested Korean “comfort women” who could provide “sexual services” to U.S. military personnel stationed in South Korea. The term “comfort women” is a euphemism that was also used to refer to women and girls who were forced into Japan’s wartime military sexual slavery system from the 1930s until the end of WWII. Since the late 1990s, most Gijichon women are from the Philippines, Thailand, and Russia. Although race and ethnicity may have changed, the nature of sexual industry and exploitation remains the same.
Recommendations
- As women and girls are disproportionally impacted by conflict, more women must participate in the decision-making policies related to conflict at all top governmental and intergovernmental levels at UN Member States.
- The U.S., the country with the largest military power, needs to adopt a feminist foreign policy to prioritize peace and negotiation over military dominance.
[1] The United Nations Fourth World Conference on Women, UN Women, https://www.un.org/womenwatch/daw/beijing/platform/armed.htm.
[2] CEDAW/C/GC/30.
[3] Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, April 22, 2024, https://www.sipri.org/media/press-release/2024/global-military-spending-surges-amid-war-rising-tensions-and-insecurity.
[4] Ibid.
[5] Thomas Jang, UBIQUE, American Geographical Society, April 18, 2024, https://ubique.americangeo.org/map-of-the-week/map-of-the-week-u-s-military-bases-around-the-world/#:~:text=At%20least%20750%20military%20bases,known%20as%20%E2%80%9Clily%20pads.%E2%80%9D.
[6] American University (Washington, D.C.); David Vine, Aug. 4, 2023, http://hdl.handle.net/1961/auislandora:85156.
[7] Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, April 22, 2024, https://www.sipri.org/media/press-release/2024/global-military-spending-surges-amid-war-rising-tensions-and-insecurity.
[8] Statista, https://www.statista.com/statistics/217577/outlays-for-defense-and-forecast-in-the-us/.
[9] “[Interview] Fighting for Reparations for Korea’s Camptown Women Before It’s Too Late,” Hankyoreh, June 26, 2022.
Submitted by Sung Sohn